S. A. Yanina, Juchi Coins from the Excavation and Collection of the Kuibyshev Expedition in Bulghar in 1953-1954.Translated by David Elliott, MA, MFT, LADC>
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        Numismatic material, collected in Bulghar city in 1953-1954, consists of three categories of finds: 1) coins gathered by excavation (157 examples, of this number 28 silver and 129 copper). 2) Chance finds (93 examples, of this number 12 silver and 81 copper). 3) a hoard of silver coins of the third quarter of the XIV century, found by inhabitants (105 examples).1
        All the coins are assigned to mints of the Golden Horde and the overwhelming majority repeat the type and varieties, which were found in Bulghar in 1946-1952 and already published in a special report.2  Publication of the finds of 1953-1954 appears as a continuation of this report and follows the same goals-publication of the general composition of the numismatic collection (those found by excavation and those found by chance) and a more exact chronology of coins types.
        The majority of archeological works, which are associated with Bulghar since1945, expand with each year the knowledge of the uniqueness of numismatic materials of one of the most important mercantile-artisan centers of Povolzhye of the Golden Horde period.
        The uniqueness of this composition consists not so much in the abundant existence of its coins, but in the exact certification of the finds.
        The significance of the composition of coins, found within the limits of one inhabited point, for the first time, regarding Golden Horde coins, received due regard in the works of A. A. Krotkov.3  Giving to coin hordes the proper respect needed for study of the Golden Horde economy, A. A. Krotkov theorizes that the coins collected in a city also show its own type of hoard, belonging not to just an individual person, but to a collectivity, to this or that inhabited point. 4 Studying the numismatic associations from Narovchatski city, A. A. Krotkov is able to solve one of the fundamental numismatic riddles-the question about the location of the city of Mokshi**. Applying the method of study of Kufic coins to the Golden Horde material, developed by the Russian oriental numismatists R. R. Fasmer, A. A. Krotkov brought attention to the radius of certified coinage of different cities in Juchi markets. Lifting the material from a series of cities (Narovchatski, Selitrennoe, Uvekski, and Czarevski) allowed A. A. Krotkov to come to the conclusion about them that the coins, minted in a particular Golden Horde city obtained as a rule a definite radius of distribution from the center of production, gradually, as a whole getting smaller, showing their maximum use in the center, a minimum at the periphery. 5 Regrettably, A. A. Krotkov overlooked an important condition in regards to this, he did not differentiate the radius of silver and copper coins and did not study the specifics of some of the chronological periods.
        Besides this, the conclusions made by A. A. Krotkov, touch only Juchi coppers within the borders of Povolzhye. Since coins show the most interesting details by characterizing the economic relations in this or that ancient settlement, just so they also define the debated position of this or that center of minting coins. The study of chronological evidence of coinage appears with necessary conditions. In particular, this touches the period at the end of the XIII century to the beginning of the XIV century, when many Golden Horde cities of Povolzhye possessed the right to mint coins. With the unification of the monetary system, about the 40s of the XIV century, the economic markets of the Golden Horde were differentiated into three almost autonomous regions, which were supplied by an already established number of mints. 1) Povolzhye (Sarai, Sarai al-Jedid, Gulistan, Gulistan al-Jedid); 2) Krim and Azov area (Azov); 3) Middle Asia region of the Golden Horde (Khorezm).  
        A. A. Krotkov nearly 25 years ago regrettably wrote about the undeveloped coin material of Bulghar, Majar,** and Khorezm.6 In our time, the work of the Kuibyshev expedition solved part of this problem with carefully certified material, which was difficult to assume in 1929 or 1930.7
        Surely, the results of the work of the Kuibyshev expedition allow us to affirm the radius principle  does not have the absolute character, which was given to it by A. A. Krotkov. Using a group of coins, minted for something like 20-30 years, A. A. Krotkov mistakenly spread his conclusion over the whole Golden Horde period altogether, using this principle as a means for determining the chronological organization of this problem. This principle only keeps its force by the exposure of this or that place, which is not established as a center of minting;  by the determining the ancient name of a city; it necessarily uses for study some complex of excavated coins. Practically, this principle consists in counting the percent of established copper coins of various mints, found in the limits of one city. But this is only the beginning stage of investigation.
        A more complete outline of the economic life of the city is able to be established by the study of stratigraphical distribution of coins. Excavations in Bulghar allow us to study Golden Horde coins stratigraphically.
        Studying numismatic material of the excavation of the Kuibyshev expedition, we are able to project the following periods in the history of Bulghar: 1) 1250-1280. A period of reconstruction of Bulghar after the Mongol destruction. Golden Horde khans, choosing Povolzhye as the center of government, actively promoted the reestablishment of artisanal manufacturing and trade; and, consequently, the reestablishment of the city. In this period, Bulghar was the largest mercantile-artisan center of the Golden Horde. Specifically in Bulghar began to work the first mint of the Golden Horde, producing silver and copper coins (see catalog, No. 1-6).
        2) 1280-1310. A period of dynastic strife, occurring mainly in Lower Povolzhye and the Azov regions (the activity of Temnika** (Dark?) Nogai), which did not effect the daily life of Bulghar, but is found reflected in various types of issues of coins, mainly aneigraphic coins, uniting images of the tamgha of the House of Batu (with general designs) (see Catalog No 7-27).
        3)1310-1340. With the strengthening power of Toqtu around 1310 (after his victory over Timur Kutlug) , the situation was such that the beginning of the unification of the Golden Horde monetary system of Povolzhye consequently regulated the Povolzhyean market economy. The mint in Sarai began, increasing in the period of the rule of Uzbeg. The Bulghar mint gradually cut back and ceased completely around 1334. Bulghar lost is main role in the economic life of Povolzhye. Its place was taken over by Sarai (see catalog No. 27a-44).
        4) 1340-1361. With the end of the rule of Uzbeg, by the time of Jani Beg and fully with the destruction by Tughlag Timur, Bulghar became a constituent part in the central market of Povolzhye. During this period belongs the principle mass of coins found in Bulghar. The city experienced its highest flowering, occupying at this time a subordinate position in relation to Sarai (see Catalog No. 45-92a).
        5) The sharp cutback in coin finds and presence of two hoards with dates 1364, characterize the tragic period in the life of Bulghar-its destruction in the quiet  period.
        6) The end of the first quarter of the XV century. The beginning with the new economic rise of Bulghar, already in the sphere of Aga-Bazar. Coin material of this period is used to support this supposition that Aga-Bazar was orientated towards the Russian principality (clipping silver coins of the XIV century to Russian weight, the absence of well known Golden Horde coins of this time, minted in the Lower Volga cities and in the environs of Bulghar and Rajan Pulad** (see Catalog No. 121-162).
        Taking into consideration the periodization of the history of Bulghar is preliminary. More detailed study of the subject under discussion is connected with the exact chronological situation of a group of undated coins. Such coins, consisting of a well known division of Juchi numismatics, is most fully written about and published by X. M. Fren and attributed by him completely to the time of the Golden Horde.8 At the dawn of study of Golden Horde Numismatics, questions about their exact dating was not established in such detail, as in the present time, when undated coins came in massive finds by the excavations of cultural layers of Juchi cities.
        Published numismatic materials from the collection of the Kuibyshev expedition 1946-1952, raise in my opinion the following issues about the dating of these groups of undated coins:
        1) coins with the names an-Nasir lid-din-Allah and Mangu, minted in Bulghar (silver and copper);
        2) Aneigraphic coins with the tamgha of the house of Batu (mostly silver, some copper);
        3) undated groups of coins minted at Sarai al-Jedid with images of stylized two-headed eagles (copper);
        4) undated coins with images of animals and birds (copper);
        5) coins with the name Ali (copper);
        6) counterstamped coins (partly silver, mostly copper);
        7) clipped coins and imitations (silver).
        For some of these groups, the last years have accumulated new materials, which in the majority of cases confirm the assumed earlier dating, but in other cases permitted their revision.
        Coins with the name an-Nasir lid-din-Allah. Determination of the chronology of these coins is connected exactly with the resolution of the problems of the beginning of minting coins in the Golden Horde.
        Not any of the investigators of Golden Horde numismatics raised doubts in regards to the mint place of the first Juchi coins. The foundation of the first mint in the Middle Povolzhye (Bulghar), and not in the residence of the khan (Sarai) is well explained by the special general circumstances of the economic situation of Povolzhye after its destruction by the Mongols. Already the first of the Golden Horde khans, chose Povolzhye as the center of government, by calculating to quickly resurrect the economic life of the Povolzhye region. Strengthening the region by pulling together the ancient system of merchant trade and the center of economic life, seizing important territory, the outlaying districts of which were connected by traditional trade routes, made it impossible for the Golden Horde khans to discount the position of Bulghar, being the focal point, leading to Russian, Krim, Lower Povolzhye, Khorezm, and further on to Middle Asia, Mongolia, and China. The forcible seizure of artisans was used to counter the effects of their loss and the Golden Horde khans sought to strengthen the tempo of development of the all the cities in Povolzhye. Consequently, Bulghar, located in an especially advantageous position and being also an ancient economic center of Povolzhye, it became necessary to preserve its leading role. The promotion of Bulghar to first place in great degree was especially favored by the destruction of the Mongol Great City -Bilyara**.9    
        Sacking the rich regions of Eastern Europe, Caucuses, and Middle Asia put in circulation in Povolzhye huge quantities of precious metals, chiefly silver. The growth of cities, the development of trade and markets, necessarily intensified the need for regulating exchange, the need to create a monetary system, and to begin minting coins. These needs were satisfied in this period, when Bulghar was established as the center of economic life in Povolzhye.
        The preconditions for minting coins arose very quickly in the Golden Horde. But when, and by what khan was minting begun? Which coins should be counted as the first issue from the mints of the Golden Horde? These questions above all remain before the investigators of Juchi numismatics.
        Assignment of these original groups of coins inevitably included very long arguments about the attribution of the Bulghar coins bearing the name of caliph an-Nasir lid-din-Allah, the righteous, in Baghdad from 1180-1225.
        As regards the attribution of these coins (there are three types of silver coins and one of copper: figure 1), up to this time there are two opposing opinions expressed: whether to count these coins as Juchi or assign them to the mint of the Volga Bulghars at the time of Caliph an-Nasir.
        The typological description of these coins was given by X. M. Fren10 in the end of the 80's of the last century (1888) was repeated by A. F. Likachev11.
        Of the silver types, the most wide-spread are the following:
Obverse: An-Nasir ad-din-Allah (in place of lid-din-S. Ya.), orthodox sovereign.
Reverse: Dinar (for silver coins!-S. Ya.) Mint Bulghar (see Catalog No. 1)
        Copper type appears with the following image (Fig 1.4):
Obverse: Same as on the silver.
Reverse: Earthly life is short, therefore make God welcome (do what is pleasing to God?)**.
        Considerably more rarely found are the two remaining silver types, which are fundamentally different on both sides. On one of them (fig. 1.3) the religious saying that is on the copper coin, and on the other (fig. 1.1) to that inscription, which is placed on both sides of the coin is added the word (fig. 1.1 Arabic) forming mint Bulgharski. 12 O. I. Smirnov, to whom I showed this type of coin, proposed a translation as Exechquer  and the whole legend on both sides to read as: Dinar, minted by Bulghars Exchequer.  This reading appears to be very apt, as we will see further, it allows one to see in the type of coin a very early type of Golden Horde minting.
        Silver coins of the basic type and especially with the inscription above on copper coins are found in the larger quantities in all the collections of Juchi coins.
        For the correct understanding of the place of these coins in the series of early types of Povolzhye mint, it is necessary to quickly note one interesting and important circumstance. Copper coins with the name an-Nasir lid-din-Allah serve, as it were, as a monetary circle  for mints of definitely Juchi coins, issued in Bulghar in the name of the Most High Khan Mangu, that is these groups of coins, are the chronological frame which exactly determine the time of rule of Mangu: 1251-1259 (fig. 2). It is Bulghar coins with the name Mangu that X. M. Fren opens his description of Juchi coins in his own catalog.13
        Observing the above monetary material of the Kuibyshev expedition and the collection of the Government Historical museum allows us to affirm that all without exception of the Bulghar coins with the name of Khan Mangu minted on the coins are not engraved with the name an-Nasir lid-din-Allah.
        The name of Caliph an-Nasir lid-din-Allah gave the basis for X. M. Frens twice expressed supposition that the minting of these coins continued in Bulghar until the the Mongol conquest.14 Later, X. M. Fren changed his point of view, calling these coins Juchi, and placed their time of minting to 1282-1311.15 The change of view of X. M. Fren is connected with this that lid-din-Allahname are found on dated Juchi coins minted on issues a long time after his death. Placing the name of dead caliphs on coins is able to be explained by this that an-Nasir lid-din-Allah was revived for a short period, since the visible past greatness of the Abbasid caliphate was received with great honor in the Muslim world.16 In the matter of dating, X. M. Fren proposes that the investigator be guided in this given situation, apparently, by the dates on the Juchi coins, anachronistically using the name of an-Nasir.
        P. S. Saveliev in 1858, after the death of X. M. Fren verified the original point of view of his teacher concerning these coins, which are of special interest to us. He relates these matters very briefly, but in a very definitive form. Among the unique arguments, in service of this point of view, as noted earlier, remains the name of an-Nasir on the coins. P. S. Saveliev proposes to make of the Volga-Bulghar coins of the pre-Mongol period a special category, with subdivisions in the sections which stretch for a time to almost 300 years: first-X century, second-going from XII century to the first quarter of the XIII century. 17 Through 30 years, the point of view of P. S. Saveliev supported A. F. Likachev.18 In spite of this, in the nature of a new argument, he agrees about he archaic appearance of these coins,  which very little separates them from Juchi (coins), which does not prevent the possibility of confusing them. 19 Besides this, A. F. Likachev turns his attention to the heavy weight of these coins, weighing in between 46 and 56 grains (2.0-2.4 grams).20 The weight is distinct from the weights of undoubtedly determined early Juchi coins with the names Mangu and Arid Bird.
        Finally, in the concluding survey of this question in literature, it is necessary to mention the article of V. Smolena21, in which the author unlearnedly repeats the opinion of P. S. Saveliev.
        Considering these Juchi coins, I must pause to analyze the argument of these sharply opposed points of view. These points of view encounter a whole series of objections. Firstly, uniting the Bulghar mint of the X century and coins with the name of an-Nasir lid-din-Allah in one group. P. S. Saveliev does not explain such important characteristics of the last group of coins as the absence on them of a name of a ruler among these coins of the Volga Bulgars of the tenth century was minted only with the name of the caliph, but also with the name of the place of mint Malik.
        Secondly, the historical situation of the end of the XII century to the beginning of the XIII century is such that it does not allow one to ignore some of the causes of the politico-economic connections of the Volga Bulgars with the Arab caliphate, which would be able to serve as a cause for the survival of the original coins minted at Bulghar in the name of the Baghdad caliph.
        Thirdly, neither P. S. Saveliev nor A. F. Likachev are able to explain the causes of placing on obviously Juchi coins, the name of an-Nasir lid-din-Allah, and within this category, they deny the attribution of undated coins minted at Bulghar in the name of a mint of the Golden Horde.
        Fourthly, the argument of A. F. Likachev about not recapitualing archaic coins  also is not able to counted as well grounded, since among coins of the Golden Horde right up to the reform of Tokta this is not an infrequently found type, just as archaic as the Bulghar coins with the name of an-Nasir lid-din-Allah.
        Fifthly, the interpretation of metrological peculiarities of the examined coins make by A. F. Likachev is really superficial. Comparing the weights of a given group of coins of with the names an-Nasir lid-din-Allah, Mangu Khan, and Arid Bird, A. F. Likachev passes over an interesting observation, which contradicted his own conclusions.
        In this manner, A. .F. Likachev himself counted the silver coins with the name an-Nasir weighed 46-56 grains, silver coins with the name Mangu Khan-from 24 to 30 grains, and silver coins with the name of Arid Bird from 12-18 grains.22 It is difficult not to pay attention to the undoubted correlation of weight norms of coins found in an absolute relationship of multiples: 1 coin with the name an-Nasir= 2 coins with the name Mangu=4 coins with the name Arid Bird. Not easily understood, A. F. Likachev does not notice this regularity, considering the weights of the coins with the name an-Nasir to be simply contradicting the weight norm of early Golden Horde coins.
        Finally, A. S. Saveliev and A. F. Likachev do not take into consideration such important circumstances as the silver crisis undermining the monetary relationships of the eastern countries in the XI-XII centuries and continuing in the majority of countries until the Mongol invasion. The existence of this crisis significantly weakens the argument used to date the Bulghar minting of coin at the end of the XII century.
        Against the consideration of these points of view speaks the stratigraphical analysis of coins found with the name of an-Nasir lid-din-Allah by the excavation of Bulghar. All these coins are found only in the Golden Horde layers. Lower horizontal deposits fully coincide with the lower horizontal deposits of obviously Juchi coins. The time of their existence-as is shown by their being found together with other Juchi coins-almost continuously. The very latest appearance of the combination of these coins is with the coins of Uzbeg.
        With this in mind, we have all the bases to attribute the coins with the name of an-Nasir to the beginning of minting by the Golden Horde and joining them in one group with Juchi coins, being minted in Bulghar with the names of the khans Mangu and Arid Bird.23 But by whom and when, namely, was begun minting in the Golden Horde?
        X. M. Fren24 and Stanley Lane-Poole25 reckoned the first Juchi coins, for example, those minted in Bulghar under the names of Khan Mangu and Arid Bird are summarily assigned by them to the time of the rule of Batu(1237-1256) and Baraka (1256-1266). The name of Mangu-khan gives a definite chronological limit of 1251-1259. In this period concludes the reign of Batu and begins the rule of Baraka. Resolving the question about this, whom of these two khans began coinage at the mints, requires the study of what type of first Juchi coins appearing as a Muslim type, using the honored name a Muslim caliph, and on copper coins-a Muslim blessing.
        If the appearance on coins of Muslim characteristics, minted with the name of Ghenghis and Chagatai, does not call forth bewilderment, just as such coins were minted in old mints that were functioning right up to the time of the Mongol invasion, then the Muslim appearance of the original Bulghar Golden Horde coins are able to exist only in connection with the conversion of a Golden Horde khan to Islam.
        Eastern authors establish for us a whole series of information about the course of Islamization of the Golden Horde, and they do not allow us to doubt that one of the main causes of Islamization was the support of Juchi for the development of trade, the encouragement of which was not able to be begun without encouraging the merchant, who was fundamentally Muslim.
        Permit me to say that nowhere in the boundaries of the Mongol Empire did Muslim merchants receive such advantages and such acknowledgment, as in the Golden Horde under Batu and his successor Baraka. Al-Juzchan**, who dies in the 60's of the XIII century, reports: He (Batu) was a truly orthodox man and a friend of Muslim (merchants); under his protection, the Muslim continued a free life...In the extension of his kingdom, the Islamic countries did not give him any trouble, nor assign him any blame, not even when becoming his subordinate. 26 A similar panegyric (was given) by another Persian historian (Juvain), who died in the year 1283: Traders from various countries worked their various trades; everything, no matter what it was, he took and for each thing gave good value in each case above its cost. 27
        Bringing together the reports they related about Batu as an active defender of the interests of Muslim merchants, however, for all this, the minting of money with Muslim sayings should be regarded as a political trifle. Necessarily, the khan himself was a Muslim. As is well known, Batu himself did not convert to Islam, but Baraka, who continued the politics of his brother, was a Muslim himself. From the data of al-Omar and al-Calicashandi**, Baraka converted to Islam already in the 40's of the XIII century, that is long before his ascension to the throne.28 Ibn-Haldin** reports that Baraka spread Islam among all his own people, began to build mosques and schools in al his own possessions, drew near to himself scholars and lawgivers, and became friends with them. 29
        The conversion of Baraka to Islam was provoked, most of all, by the political situation. It undoubtedly speaks about the farsightedness of the khan. The Golden Horde spread itself into a huge territory, where the Muslim religion was ruling (such as Khorezm and Bulghar, parts of the lands of Butass** where the commodity traders and merchants connected with the cities of Middle Asia were stable and constant. The conversion to Islam in the Golden Horde is a fact of well known significance. His special relationship with a sultan in Egypt, necessarily put right in front of him a common enemy of Hulagu Iran.
        The undoubted advantages of a pro-Islamic policy was understood already then, when Baraka was only an influential prince and not much counted as a contender for the throne (since Batu had two sons, appearing as his principle heirs). The conversion of Baraka to Islam strove to increase his personal influence with Muslims in order to gain their support. When in 1256 (according to Russian chroniclers 1257), fortunate circumstances (the death of both sons of Batu) put in his hands the throne of the khans, Baraka quickly concluded the political Islamization of the whole Golden Horde society. A little role in this regards had to be played by the coinage, which in the Muslim world was widely used for disseminating political slogans. The issuing of coins with the name of a thirty year dead honored Muslim caliph, an-Nasir lid-din-Allah by Baraka openly declared that in his country, Islam had become a government religion. The beginning of minting coins ought to belong to the first year of the rule of Baraka, since the second, later type of Golden Horde coins issued under the name of Mangu himself, who died two years after the ascension of Baraka to the throne in 1259.
        To a greater degree, the copper coins with the name of Mangu were not minted on blank planchets, but on coins with the name of Caliph an-Nasir. Minting of coins with the name of Mangu were essentially recoined on the issue of the first type of Juchi copper coins. Reasons for such recoinage can be fully explained.    
         At the time of death of Mangu khan, the Golden Horde introduced constituent parts in the Mongol Empire, which, while recognizing the unity and leadership of the most High Khan was taking little interest at this time in developing fully the limits of the process of decentralization of the empire. The conversion to Islam by Baraka was one of the bright manifestations of this process, and the issuing of essentially separatist coins did not call forth a reactive response by the Most High Khan. Recoinage of coins, engraved with the name of Mangu was able to be continued only on the request of Mangu himself. One ought to pay attention to this that recoined coins are found in huge quantities. This means that counterstamping began quickly after the minting of coins with the name an-Nasir, when significant quantities of such coins were still not being issued outside the limits of the Bulghar mint or treasury (judging by the inscriptions on the first types of coins, these are synonymous). Both processes, in this view, exist almost simultaneously and belong to 1257-1259, in which we must date the beginning of minting coins in the Golden Horde.
        What concerns the continuation of the minting of coins with the name of an-Nasir, then is that we are not able to limit it to a short period of appearance. After the death of Mangu in 1257, Baraka was able to resume issuing coins of the first type he had begun with and continue to issue them until the end of his rule in 1266. Unrecoined coins with the name of an-Nasir are found just as often as recoined ones. Possibly, during the period of rule of Baraka after 1259 belongs the minting of the very widespread silver type with the name of an-Nasir lid-din-Allah, since this type of recoined coin did not run out completely.
        Characteristics of the minting of coins by Baraka.-the absence on his coins of his own name and the designated year of mint. With his successor, Mangu-Timur (1266-1280) was established a new coin type, not existing before, a coin type with the name of the Juchi khan and the year of issue of the coin. In addition to Bulghar, minting began in Krim.
        Aneigraphic Coins, 1280-1310. The following stage of development of monetary affairs in the Golden Horde is connected with the appearance in the political arena of Nogai. In the course of a series of years, Nogai played such an important role in the life of the Golden Horde that many foreign travelers took him to be the khan. Officially, Nogai began as a shadow ruler of the Western region from the Don to the Dnieper, and then as far as Krim.
         At first, the name of Nogai was remembered already by Baraka khan. By the time of Mangu-Timur, he was already famous as a distinguished military leader. His fame especially grew with Tuda Mangu (1280-1287), Tula Beg (1287-1290), and in the beginning of the rule of Tokta, for example, until 1300. The rule of Tuda Mangu and Tula Beg were more fiction than real. The real khan at this time was Dark (Shadowy) Nogai.
        Numismatic material does not poorly illustrate this strained stage in the history of the Golden Horde, to which ought to belong not only the anonymous coins, dated by X. M. Fren to 1282-1311 (30), but also in general, all the abundant aneigraphic material with the tamgha of the House of Batu.31
        The special characteristics of the coins minted in this period appears to be the obligatory presence on the coin of the tamgha of the House of Batu and the absence of the name of the ruler (see Catalog No. 11-27).
        The argument over dating the aneigraphic coins was given by me in the previous report.32 The intervening two years have not brought anything new for any kind of reevaluation of this dating. Collecting together these coins with other Juchi coins continued in the intervening years.
        Coins with the depiction of a two-headed eagle. Copper coins with the stylized depiction of a two-headed eagle (see Catalog No. 48-51) consists of one of the most common groups in the finds of the Kuibyshev expedition (fig. 3).
        When I looked through, in the Summer of 1955, the first class collection of Juchi coins in the government museum of the Tartarstan Soviet Republic in Kazan, my first impression was much confirmed about this group belonging to the first part of the rule of Jani Beg (1341-1357), namely the years 1343-1352. In the excellently sorted collection of A. F. Likachev, treated (possibly, not fully) in the Kazan museum, four examples of this copper coin with the two-headed eagle do not have on them the date 743 (=1342)33 (see Catalog No 48 and figure 3.1). At the beginning of the rule of Jani Beg belongs the undated coins with the depiction of the two-headed eagle and A. V. Vasiliev so sorts the Juchi collection of the Kazan museum. On an envelope with coins from the time of Toktamish is made the following inscription: This pul is very interesting,  because the reverse on the anonymous pul is minted by Jani Beg and the reverse has the image of a two-headed eagle. 34 (fig. 3.7).
        New variants of the coins of these type are given by two examples from the museum, on the obverse, which reads,:Mint Sarai al Jedid 35 (fig. 3.4).
        Three more examples establish the last date of the minting of similar coins with the image of a two-headed eagle35 (fig. 3.5). Unarguably, the reading of the year is 751 AH, compels me to retract the previous reading of coin No. 51 in the catalog (fig. 3.6), suggested in the commentary in the previous work,-Sarai al-Jedid-,and count as the true reading of R.R. Fasmir-749 AH. Truly, such a reading requires a certain degree of imagination, nevertheless, the supposition of this complicated inscription of the year of minting, was underlined by the word,-possible.
        The undertaking of Jani Beg in 752 AH of minting copper coins with a different weight norm appears at the limit of the possibility of his minting coins with the two-headed eagle. (Jani Beg ruled from 742-758 AH and Yanina does not give the weights of the eagle coin in the first volume, so I am assuming hes placing the coins at the end of Jani Begs rule with the date 749 and not Sarai al-Jedid as the reading of the inscription unless he is being very elliptical about the weights of the coin that are not given! David Elliott).